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#classstruggle

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'At its 2025 convention, the DSA voted to support Palestinian resistance, […] affirming the right of return, Jerusalem as the capital. […] The resolution also declared that endorsing Zionist positions such as “Israel has a right to defend itself” could be an expellable offense. Delegates also passed a resolution titled “Labor for an Arms Embargo” with over 80 percent support.

'At the same time, the convention showed an organization pulled in two directions — responding to the shifts in consciousness around Palestinian liberation, yet being tethered to a strategy that operates within the limits set by the Democratic Party. For instance, the convention voted down a resolution for a single secular Palestinian state, and turned away from formal alignment with BDS — positions that would have placed DSA too openly against the politics of the Democratic Party. Yet in contradiction, they also passed new rules requiring candidates to support BDS and cut ties with Zionist lobbies — an uneasy compromise that captures both the break and its limits.'

Maryam Alaniz: leftvoice.org/the-dsa-voted-ag

Left Voice · The DSA Voted Against Zionism — But Will It Break from the Democrats? - Left VoiceAt its 2025 convention, the DSA voted to support Palestinian resistance — a historic step. But as long as it remains tied to the Democratic Party, the party of genocide and repression, that vote will be contained. 

"n his memoir, A Life Beyond Boundaries, the political scientist Benedict Anderson referred to his “more intelligent, slightly younger” brother. He had reason to be proud too. Perry Anderson was well known for his writings on the modern state, while Benedict was celebrated for his writings on nationalism.

Their chosen fields reflected their life experiences. As children, their lives were regularly uprooted, moving from China to California, Colorado, and Ireland, before they won scholarships to Eton, the famous English boarding school. They felt like outsiders. As adults, detachment served them well in studying those political constructs — states and nations — that usually instill sentiments of devotion and belonging in their peoples.

At Eton, the Anderson brothers were looked down upon by their wealthy contemporaries. Yet they and other scholarship-funded students also looked down upon their wealthy peers. Both groups were “snobbish,” as Benedict put it, though perhaps not equally so, given the social freedoms afforded to the ultrawealthy.

At home over breaks and in the summer, Perry Anderson read for hour after hour. There was time enough for all six volumes of Edward Gibbon’s The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Later Anderson’s own writings would take on a similarly ambitious scale. He studied big ideas over centuries and continents.

Commentaries on Anderson sometimes describe his style of writing as “Olympian.” He used the terms “complex totality” and “totalization” to characterize what he was seeking to do. However we phrase it, it is clear that Anderson from a young age sought to understand history in terms of the interconnections, whether harmonious or conflictual, among the various parts of the whole. Furthermore Anderson believed history should be useful for activists in his own time."

jacobin.com/2025/09/perry-ande

jacobin.comPerry Anderson Writes Marxist History on the Grandest ScaleThe British historian and New Left Review editor Perry Anderson set out to trace the history of European class societies from antiquity to the present. Anderson’s uncompleted project is a landmark in the development of Marxist historiography.

A recent study shows elite political discourse in Western democracies is getting more toxic — especially around migration, LGBTQ+ rights, and identity.
Ironically, toxicity drops during elections. That’s how normalized it’s become.

🔗 arxiv.org/abs/2503.22411

arXiv.orgElite Political Discourse has Become More Toxic in Western CountriesToxic and uncivil politics is widely seen as a growing threat to democratic values and governance, yet our understanding of the drivers and evolution of political incivility remains limited. Leveraging a novel dataset of nearly 18 million Twitter messages from parliamentarians in 17 countries over five years, this paper systematically investigates whether politics internationally is becoming more uncivil, and what are the determinants of political incivility. Our analysis reveals a marked increase in toxic discourse among political elites, and that it is associated to radical-right parties and parties in opposition. Toxicity diminished markedly during the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic and, surprisingly, during election campaigns. Furthermore, our results indicate that posts relating to ``culture war'' topics, such as migration and LGBTQ+ rights, are substantially more toxic than debates focused on welfare or economic issues. These findings underscore a troubling shift in international democracies toward an erosion of constructive democratic dialogue.

"[W]hile "IP" can be bought and sold by the capital classes, process knowledge is inseparably vested in the minds and muscle-memory of their workers. People who own the instructions are constitutionally prone to assuming that making the recipe is the important part, while following the recipe is donkey-work you can assign to any freestanding oaf who can take instruction.
(...)
he exaltation of "IP" over process knowledge is part of the ancient practice of bosses denigrating their workers' contribution to the bottom line. It's key to the myth that workers can be replaced by AI: an AI can consume all the "IP" produced by workers, but it doesn't have their process knowledge. It can't, because process knowledge is embodied and enmeshed, it is relational and physical. It doesn't appear in training data.

In other words, elevating "IP" over process knowledge is a form of class war. And now that the world's store of process knowledge has been sent to the global south, the class war has gone racial.
(...)
Bosses would love it if process knowledge didn't matter, because then workers could finally be tamed by industry. We could just move the "IP" around to the highest bidders with the cheapest workforces. But Wang's book makes a forceful argument that it's easier to build up a powerful, resilient society based on process knowledge than it is to do so with IP. What good is a bunch of really cool recipes if no one can follow them?

I think that bosses are, psychoanalytically speaking, haunted by the idea that their workers own the process knowledge that is at the heart of their profits. That's why bosses are so obsessed with noncompete "agreements." If you can't own your workers' expertise, then you must own your workers..."

pluralistic.net/2025/09/08/pro

pluralistic.netPluralistic: Fingerspitzengefühl (08 Sep 2025) – Pluralistic: Daily links from Cory Doctorow
Continued thread

"Then when I got involved in the National Union of Students I realised that I wasn’t the only one who felt this way. That’s a really magical moment, when you discover that you’re not alone in your politics."

"If we’re contesting state power, we’re going to face a major backlash, and we need to have the institutional resilience to withstand it. […] The overall party structure has to be unitary."

An interview with Zarah Sultana: newleftreview.org/sidecar/post

"I try to show that the Left in Europe, both the radical and the institutional, was caught in a bind by the strategies of employers, conservative political forces, and elements of the state. In both cases they were forced to choose between unappealing options. Perhaps the most pressing was to radicalize or moderate their strategies. They’re of course not the only agents in this story, and the Left is not in total control of the situation. But the ultimate outcome of the decisions taken at this critical moment was the evacuation of the working class from left structures and a weakening of labor more broadly.

There are clashes over what to do about economic restructuring and automation, participation in management structures and government, and media and communication technologies. An older generation of self-educated industrial worker activists rub up against a younger generation of educated, often white-collar members, each with different views on priorities and conduct. I mainly focus on the main electoral parties of the Left because they were the main organizations that workers joined and voted for at the time, and the ones that shaped how millions of people thought about the world. The radical left had sparser influence even if they suffered a broadly similar outcome.

In brief, the West European left went into decline not because of an unstoppable neoliberalism and a weakened manufacturing-based economy, but because it failed to recognize and mobilize new constituencies of workers, including migrants and women, and instead embraced a kind of “third way” social capitalism."

jacobin.com/2025/08/european-s

jacobin.comThe Defeat of European Socialism Was Far From InevitableContrary to popular belief, the 1970s was a period in which the European left was at its strongest. Unions were powerful, and socialists felt confident that the changing economy could benefit them. So why was the Left defeated a decade later?

"On July 2, United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Local 1518 in British Columbia announced that more than 500 Uber drivers in Greater Victoria have unionized.

This historic decision follows months of organizing among drivers and marks the first ever union certification of app-based drivers in Canada.

Uber only began operating in Victoria in June 2023 and recently expanded its service across B.C.

UFCW 1518 is the province’s largest private sector union local, representing more than 28,000 workers in the retail, grocery, health care and cannabis industries.

The mega-local has made significant organizing breakthroughs over the past several years. After successfully unionizing the B.C. cannabis sector, 1518 also secured representation for nearly 400 temporary foreign agricultural workers at Highline Mushrooms farms in Langley and Abbotsford. This was the largest group of agricultural workers ever to organize in Canadian history and a major development in the struggle for temporary foreign worker rights.

“UFCW 1518 is proud to welcome Greater Victoria’s Uber drivers as our newest members following their historic union certification. As BC’s largest private sector union, we are well-positioned to support these groundbreaking workers as they embark on negotiating Canada’s first ever collective agreement for rideshare drivers,” the union said in a press release reporting the certification."

readthemaple.com/uber-drivers-

The Maple · Uber Drivers Have Unionized For The First Time In CanadaUFCW Local 1518 in British Columbia has announced that 500 drivers in Greater Victoria unionized.

"Enslaved people generally came from Roman expansion and from captives being taken by the Roman army. But their ranks were also being added to by those who lived within households and had children born into slavery within a Roman domicile. We know that about 60 percent of the enslaved people within this vast empire of about seventy million people at its height were working in a rural context, with the rest working in an urban context.

Looking at those in the cities, nine out of ten would probably be manumitted in the future, but only one out of ten of the rural agricultural slaves will be manumitted. It made a big difference whether you were assigned to work in the fields or in a domestic context, as a teacher of children, for example, or as a stenographer, a librarian, or a nursemaid. All of those jobs had at least a higher possibility of manumission, which doesn’t in any way validate slavery or make it ethically correct, of course. But in an agricultural world where you were constantly working in the fields, that meant in all likelihood you would spend almost your whole life enslaved.

There was tension between enslaved workers within the world of agriculture and a lot of animosity towards enslaved people working in a domestic context. But overall, Rome was a slave society that depended heavily on enslaved labor in order to be successful. The citizens of Rome, especially in Italy and the city of Rome itself, were highly dependent both on slaves and free people to do a lot of the manual labor that they themselves did not want to do."

jacobin.com/2025/07/ancient-ro

jacobin.comThe Hidden History of Class Struggle in the Roman EmpireAncient Rome was a rigidly hierarchical society where the ruling elite stigmatized everyone who had to work with their hands. Yet Roman workers still found ways to resist exploitation through strikes and other forms of collective action.